23 November 2013

Book Review Summary of Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament by John H. Walton



Chapter 1
            Chapter 1 is Walton’s introduction to the discussion concerning the congruence of the Old Testament with the world surrounding it. This chapter discusses the history, methodology, and reasoning behind comparative Old Testament studies. It then concludes with the principles and goals each student should possess as he or she studies the Old Testament.
            His synopsis of comparative Old Testament studies begins with the resurgence of Egyptian and Mesopotamian archaeological studies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.[1] He then moves on to discuss the impact of Friedrich Delitzsch’s lectures concerning how the writers of the Old Testament borrowed from extrabiblical sources set the stage for many secular ideologies removing the special revelation aspect from the Bible. This allowed two things to take place. First, it brought out the comparative study of the Bible into a critical realm; and second, it made Assyriology, Egyptology, and Hittitology serious academic disciplines which have greatly enhanced modern man’s understanding of these ancient cultures.
            While Walton discusses several forms of Old Testament study, his opinion favors comparative studies. He starts with explaining the reasoning for sound methodological comparative study and moves on to answer the “why” it should be performed over other studies. In his view, it expands the student’s understanding of four culturally significant areas: language and literature, literary genre, religious practice, and theology. His conclusion provides ten specific principles which, in his opinion are the foundational matters of comparative studies. He ends this chapter with four goals for each student in order to have a cognitive foundation for understanding the conceptual world of the Old Testament.

Chapter 2
            Walton discusses the relationship between comparative studies, theology, and critical and confessional academic scholarship. His discussion includes both the reasons for the study, the resistance and challenges to two styles of academic study, as well as the polemical usage of by each of the studies. Walton concludes the chapter by offering a preferred model, the integrated role in Old Testament studies.
             Critical scholarship, according to Walton, contains its own unique presupposition of the foundation of the Bible as understood through literary and source criticism. Comparative studies do not negate these critical approaches; however, it is “capable of offering some correctives to some of the assumptions and conclusions of source theory.”[2] Some critical scholars use comparative studies as a polemic to argue against the reality of the Old Testament. However, some critical scholars refuse to use comparative studies because of the questions it brings to the table.
            Confessional scholars are even more hesitant to conduct comparative studies because the common conclusion understood by many comparative studies scholars was apparent similarity between the Old Testament and other Ancient Near Eastern writings. However, there are some confessional scholars who willingly accept and polemically use comparative studies in order to defend the antiquity of the Old Testament.
            After concisely explaining these two stands concerning comparative studies, Walton seeks to offer a third model: the integrated role. This application contains three key areas that seek to apply comparative studies in a logical and accurate sense: critical analysis of the data without presupposition, defense of the biblical text, and a proper exegesis of the biblical text.
Chapter 3
            Walton summarizes the genres of Ancient Near Eastern literature in this chapter.  He lists fifteen specific types of genre as well as a miscellaneous section within the Ancient Near Eastern culture. Each genre includes specific examples from Ancient Near Eastern archaeological sites; however, not all of the genres include definitions explaining their reason and use.
            The list of genres include: myths designed to use the past to explain the present; literary texts and epics containing heroic actions of man in support of or against the gods; ritual texts record the procedure and other requirements of a ritual, divination or incantation texts; personal letters and international correspondence; royal inscriptions of kings and their actions; annals and chronicles recording lists of kings, battles fought, favors of the gods during a cycle; treaties recording the relationship between international parties; civil and criminal law collections; legal documents such as contracts, wills, and court records; hymns and prayers to the gods; wisdom literature including proverbs, instructions, and philosophical treatises; prophecy given to a king; propagandistic fictional autobiography and apocalyptic literature designed to garner a reaction; archives from public buildings of major cities; and a miscellaneous section containing liturgical writings, love poems, as well as lamentations.
            The list of cultures include: Egyptian, Akkadian, Hittite, Sumerian, Persian, Levant (Aramaean, Phoenician, and Moabite), as well as major city states such as Ugarit, Ebla, and others of the third millennium BC. While this section is not exhaustive under some of the specific genres, it is explanative and provides clear examples designed to give the reader a basic understanding of the overall Ancient Near Eastern literary scene. These lists do not include Israel, or any of their writings.  Yet, as one reads through this section, one realizes that similar genres are found within the Old Testament, a fact that is not lost on the reader.
Chapter 4
            The goal of chapter four is to introduce the reader to the religion of the Ancient Near East. Walton points out that all gods of Mesopotamia and Egypt had some form of a beginning. Beyond that, there is an understanding and teaching that these gods had familial relationships. These gods and their relationships came into existence when a need or function was realized that required a deity’s attention. While there is no origin of Yahweh, Walton sees a number of similarities in the ontological comparison between Israelite and Mesopotamian religion. The second comparison comes in  a discussion concerning the name Yahweh  itself, and while there are some similarities, the point of separation is most inimitable, Yahweh was transcending into the lives of Abraham’s descendants in order to form a unique relationship.  
            Within the divine assembly, if a god was not needed for an extended period of time, that god would cease to be recognized and worshipped until that need came back to the forefront. Decisions were not made by a singular deity, but by the pantheon together in a divine council. Walton compares Ugarit’s understanding of the ancient form of polytheistic council with that of Yahweh’s council in that both are made up of lesser beings who give guidance to a higher deity. The issue is that Yahweh is recognized as the sole deity, which separates it from every other religion of the Ancient Near East. Furthermore, each of the gods were placed within the cosmos based on their function and through the medium they acted.
Walton examines the human and divine attributes of the gods. These gods have personalities and needs which are human in nature and require assistance in meeting those needs. Beyond that, the gods function as humans do, including procreation, jealousy, fallibility, unjust, anger, and incompetence to name a few. Walton contrasts this with Israel’s unique view of Yahweh in the final comparative studies section of this chapter.
Chapter 5
Walton moves on to discuss the temple and ritual within Ancient Near Eastern religions and the comparative analysis within Israelite religion. This chapter includes two excurses, one that deals with polytheistic iconism and the other dealing with ziggurats, concluding with the understanding of clear similarity within several aspects of Israelite and Mesopotamian religion.
The temple in the Ancient Near East was considered the domicile of the gods. It was built to resemble the realm the god occupied within the polytheistic religion. The name of the temple itself carried importance, much the same as the naming of the god; it identified function as well as existence. The temple must be accepted by the god who it was built for; and the same is theoretically true for the icon as well. These rituals not only sanctified the temple/icon, but it also cleansed it from human corruption. It is here that Walton conducts a comparative study demonstrating the unique approach the biblical prophets took when parodying pagan practices.
Sacred space was another theological understanding within the polytheistic religion. This began with the location of the temple that was deemed suitable for deific habitation by oracle. This included the temple, the ziggurat, and a garden for the deity to reside. Walton explains the Tower of Babel story in Genesis 11 based on his understanding of sacred space; the ultimate goal was to establish a part of heaven upon the earth. This is again due to the fact that the temple was a micro-cosmos of the deity’s true realm. Egyptian temples went so far as to contain a representation of the primeval hill from whence all creation came. Walton sees the Garden of Eden as the sacred space God set aside to meet man and provide for his needs. This is why the temple remained so significant to the ancient world; it met the needs of the god, which maintained a cycle of continuity within the realm of humanity, hence the reason for specific ritual actions.    
Chapter 6
Within ancient Mesopotamia, there were two religious institutions: the state religion, and the family religion. Each of these religions was paramount to understanding and fulfilling the needs of the gods in order to ensure a harmonious cycle on the earth. Understanding these two religious ideologies, Walton identifies some similarities within the state Yahweh worship of Israel, as well as the family religion of Abraham.
The state religion sought to understand the god through three avenues: the needs of the god, the jobs of the gods, and the whims of the gods. In order to appease the needs of the god, they were treated much the same as a king. If issues arose, an oracle or divination was used to ascertain the problem and determine a solution. The primary job of the god was to maintain justice via the king who was the god’s spokesperson and enforcer. The whims of the gods fluctuated, and angering a god was quite easy. However, understanding the source of the anger required a reading of omens and circumstances. This included personal as well as political sins against the gods. “Common folks counted on the king and priests to maintain the favor of the god at this corporate level.”[3]
The family religion sought to appease the ancestral and familial gods who would hear their requests and meet their needs. These gods were not usually the state gods, but lesser deities in the religious hierarchy. This explains the role of prayer and outward acts of piety within ancient Mesopotamia. While there are some similarities between Israel and Mesopotamian religion, several issues arise, namely the understanding of the soul (ka/ba vs. nephesh) as well as an internally personal system of practical righteous knowledge apart from merely pleasing the god.
Chapter 7
Understanding cosmic geography is paramount to understanding the worldview of the Ancient Near East. It was their way of understanding how things operated beyond the mere day to day aspect. It compares and contrasts function versus structure in both the physical and metaphysical realm.
The first function and structure discussed concerns the realm of the heavens, including the sky, the weather and waters above, and the celestial bodies. Walton identifies the boundary between heaven and earth as the sky. The main function of the sky was to keep the waters above from crashing down upon the earth. The similarity between Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern religion is that all seem to hold that the sky is made up of some tangible material. The weather and waters above the sky is used to explain precipitation and weather phenomena. The contrast between Israelite and other religions is that Israel uses the term “windows” that open for rain, not for celestial bodies to enter into the earth’s realm. The celestial bodies are the sun, moon, stars, and planets that make up the solar system. The function of the sun was both symbolic of life and death, as well as physical in giving off heat and light. The moon’s function was identified by the lunar cycle and its’ effects upon nature.
The structure of the earth includes five concepts: political ethnocentrism, cosmic location of terrestrial features surrounding the earth, topographical understanding of the boundaries of the earth, theologically lacking, and the cosmic sea as well as the waters under the earth that function for both creation and destruction.
The final structure discussed is the netherworld. Walton contrasts Egyptian mythology with the rest of the Ancient Near East. For Mesopotamia, the entry to the underworld was through the grave; whereas it was entered through the western horizon (the setting sun).   
Chapter 8
Cosmology and cosmogony attempt to explain not only the creation of material, but what constitution the existence of that material in creation. The focus was not on what was physical, but that which was metaphysical, the function existing behind the substance.
Succinctly, Walton discusses the terminology used for creating something. He compares the Akkadian words “banu” and “basamu” with the Hebrew word “bara”. According to Walton, bara is used by the Israelites in reference to God creating order and function, not necessarily the ex nihilo aspect that is theologically taught by some today, which is similar to the Ancient Near Eastern understanding of creation. Creation gives unordered material function; and from the sea comes land and life. From here, Walton discusses the ontological reasoning for creating an object, as well as what existed before creation, namely Chaos and Order. Walton identifies this as the pre-cosmic condition of the universe, whether it is a primordial sea, the dead body of a god, or an unordered existence of material which had no function. Walton sees this in Genesis 1:2 (tohu wabohu), in that order came from chaotic material.
The naming, separation, and role involved in creation plays a key part in explaining its’ need for existence and functional aspect. Furthermore, it defines the control attributes as well as the destinies that were administered by the gods, which not only caused original creation but it maintains the creative renewal cycle as well. This maintenance is carried out in the temple, which is the microcosmic picture of the cosmos. The junction between the physical and metaphysical is the divine rest. When order and function are maintained, the god can rest and enjoy the cycle of life within the temple. Walton compares this understanding of rest with Genesis 1-2 when God rested on the seventh day of creation. Furthermore, Eden was God’s temple, which allowed Him to rest on the earth while order and function were being maintained
Chapter 9
            This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section deals with how the Ancient Near East understood the origin and role of humanity. The second section seeks to ascertain how the Ancient Near East comprehended and wrote about history. Walton’s desire is gain a greater understanding of the cognitive environment held by the Ancient Near East.
            Walton compares and contrasts ten Ancient Near Eastern origin texts of man: Egyptian, Sumerian, and Akkadian. The Akkadian texts are the only ones that place human origins within the conflict of their gods; however, similarly, the overall focus is on the function of man as well as the materials or process used in the creation. The Israelite creation account is wrought with differences when compared to other creation accounts. For example, Israel’s account is monogenetic, meaning from one pair (Adam and Eve), versus a polygenetic collective.
            The understanding of what humans were made of is even more varied. Two Sumerian views speak of humans springing forth from the ground; Egyptian motifs describe humans being molded as clay on the potter’s wheel; and Akkadian accounts describe humans being fashioned from the dead body of a god. Israel’s view carries a few similarities as well as some major differences. Dirt and breath are the two ingredients in Genesis; and while clay is made from dirt, it is not the same consistency nor does it have similar function.
The same is true for the overall makeup of humanity concerning the soul and spirit. The Egyptian understanding of the soul and spirit are based on the afterlife; Mesopotamian views are based on their understanding of human origin; whereas the Israelite understanding is based on their relationship to God. This explains the understanding of humanity’s role: Egyptian theology has no explanation; humans were created to work as slaves for the gods in Sumerian and Akkadian theology; humans were created to worship God in Israelite mentality.
Chapter 10
             The historiography of the written past is found in many different genres throughout the Ancient Near East. These records, and the genres they are written in, are paramount to understanding the values that culture applied to the written record. This chapter discusses the genres, the role of deity in the historiography, how time and history are perceived, and the poetics of historiography.
            There are numerous genres within Mesopotamian literature that pertain to historiography. These genres include two overarching categories: commemorative records that consist of annals, building accounts, and royal inscriptions which focused on a particular king; and chronographic records which contain the records of past kings and vary from lists to narratives. [4] Furthermore, these genres show a great interest in the workings done towards deity. This explains the focus on recurrence and endurance, whether it is through a genealogy of kings or the seasons of the weather. Regardless of the subject, historiography always contains a subject. The value of historiography is within a three-fold identity: 1) the sponsor, 2) who or what that is being promoted, and 3) the targeted audience.  
            At this point, Walton compares Israelite historiography with that of the Ancient Near East. While there are a few similarities of genre, the vast majority is narrative in form and even then it varies greatly. Israel does similarly hold to the fact that God is the cause of all that happens, which is why Israel was so interested in the result and not necessarily the experience. The sponsorship within Israelite writing is not as clear as that of Mesopotamian origins, nor is the value the same; Israel’s value was the legitimation of God’s covenant to them as a chosen people, not a legitimation of the king.
Chapter 11
            With the close of last chapter, Walton begins to discuss the Ancient Near Eastern view of the present. In this chapter, Walton focuses on the usage and interpretation of divinations and omens. The goal here is to discuss the epistemology and the practical application by magicians and other religious practitioners.
            Walton discusses two categories of divination, inspired and deductive. Inspired divination concerns prophecy, both official and informal, and dreams. Walton points out that prophecy generally focused primarily on the king. The function of the prophet was to advise the king of what would be favorable to the god who had spoken. Dreams varied from spontaneity to one who actively sought out a god. Deductive divination comes through two types of events that can be observed in the physical realm, the active such as extispicy or casting of lots, and the unprovoked such as lunar eclipses, weather, terrestrial omens, and physiognomic omens.
            There are four types of practitioners recorded by Walton. The banu or haruspex interprets the entrails of animals. The tupsarru or celestial interpreters look to astrology for example as a means of language from the god. Muhhu or ecstatic prophets utter messages once they have become possessed. The apilu or consultants actively seek out a response from a god concerning a specific question. 
            Magic, according to Walton, must be included within the religious realm of the Ancient Near East. Magic is used as an example of power; whereas divination is always used to gain knowledge or understanding. “Resolution is often sought by means of incantations, which consist of oral rituals, usually performed in association with manual rituals to accomplish protection, elimination, or imposition of evil spells.”[5]
Chapter 12
            This chapter discusses the relationship of the city and the kingship within the social construct of the Ancient Near East. The city is viewed as three unique aspects: the city whose existence was primordial; the identity and relationship of the city to the state and the cosmos; and the sacred identity between the patron gods, the temples as their place of rest, and the cities or sacred places which housed and maintained the temple or shrine.
            The king himself was viewed as a mediator between the city/state deity and the populace under his realm. It was his control that helped maintain order and discipline on earth, just as his deity maintained order and control within the cosmos. There are four common denominators within the writings concerning the king. The first is the origin of the king; while through Mesopotamian theology, the king is a gift from the gods, in Israelite theology, God begrudgingly gives them a king after they demand one from Him. The second is the king’s concern with the discernment of divine will and the enablement of it. The third commonality concerns the king’s rule through divine sponsorship. The fourth is his responsibility towards justice. The task delegated to him by the gods foremost was the vulnerable were to be protected under his rule.
            According to Walton, there are numerous similarities between Israelite kingship and those of Mesopotamian and Egyptian kingdoms. Both viewed their king as the mediator of their deity’s will. Furthermore, the king relegates the authority bestowed upon him. The responsibility of justice and the accountability of kingship are found throughout the Ancient Near East. However, there are some clear differences. The king does not have a divine origin, and the negative assessment of Israelites kings occurs exponentially more often than in other cultures. The Israelite king, unlike his Mesopotamian counterpart, does not sit between the divine and human realms, he is only within the human realm.
Chapter 13
             Walton shifts from discussing the ruling party to the laws and treatises themselves in the Ancient Near East and how they were understood. Walton discusses several forms of available literature, pointing out that all of them are written or recorded from an institutional understanding and application. He then shifts to discuss the wisdom literature and how it was understood and applied within society.
            Walton, agreeing with Bottero, agrees that the term “code” is an improper title and applies the term “treatise” instead. He then lists six major treatises known today: Ur-Nammu, Lipit-Ishtar, Eshnunna, Hammurabi, Middle Assyrian, and Hittite, with a few fragments of others in existence. Each of these treatises includes various legal remedies in order to restore continuum: physical punishment; financial settlement, penalty, or restitution; ordeal or oath; or a judicial decision. In this regard, Walton compares the biblical book of Deuteronomy and sees several similarities. A key feature is that for the Mesopotamian codes and treatises, they are not laws with prescribed punishments, but rather verdicts that set an example in order to garner a fair punishment.
            Walton’s discussion of wisdom literature is included here because, “the instructions of Egypt and the proverbs of Mesopotamia stand as further examples of the idea that wisdom compilations were used widely in the ancient world as a means of offering principles  could serve as guides for living.”[6] Walton compares this idea to the book of Proverbs; ultimately coming to the conclusion that while there may have been some borrowing, Israel attributed the instruction of Proverbs to Yahweh. Ultimately, the difference between Israelite and other Ancient Near Eastern ideologies lies in the orientation of the person, Yahweh, and the law.
Chapter 14
Walton’s last chapter discusses the future of man both upon the earth as well as after death. At the personal level, leaving a proud and enduring legacy was paramount to ensuring the future family’s success. In the majority of Mesopotamian writings, a goal of society’s future was maintaining order and continuity, not utopia. Contrastingly, Israel held an apocryphal tradition that is clearly unique within the Ancient Near East.
Egypt was clearly more interested and more focused on path of the soul after death. There are four major Egyptian texts devoted to the afterlife: the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the Coffin Texts, the Pyramid Texts, and the Books of the Netherworld. In the Mesopotamian book, the Epic of Atrahasis, creation of mortal life and the afterlife both are recorded. While Egyptian literature lacks the discussion of the origin of the mortality of humans, their ontological understanding is linked to the inner human, much the same as Mesopotamia and the Levant. The geography and nature of the underworld reflect a horizontal aspect in both Egyptian and Sumerian thought; however, a vertical understanding soon became the norm for many ancient societies. Walton compares the Israelite view of Sheol in this discussion. Ultimately, Sheol is unique in its’ cognitive resonance within Israel.
While eternal hope was not always believed to exist by Mesopotamian cultures, several things stood out, namely the conditions of the afterlife (reward or punishment) and the methods to achieve or improve these conditions. Egypt was unique in that the worst possibility was for one to be destroyed after death. The overall consensus was that one would achieve an eternal rest without complication. The first step in achieving this was a proper burial and ceremony. Israel again demonstrated a unique understanding of the afterlife. Funeral ceremonies did not occur. Furthermore, redemption from Sheol was paramount to salvation of the soul in the afterlife.
Postscript and Appendix
Walton’s postscript contains a restatement of his goal and a summarization of what was discussed in the previous fourteen chapters. His overall intent sees some foundational similarities within basic homogeneity. The differences that have been discussed are the result of a number of factors, specifically geographical separation, sociopolitical developments, and the driving force that is unique to each culture.
While some ideas may have been borrowed, the common cognitive environment was not. This is unique to the culture which it came out of. These similarities and differences were discussed on six levels. The ontological level maintained a high level of similarity; the epistemological level of Israel was unique in that God had spoken to them; the anthropological level understood the divine origin of humanity, whether through polygenetic or monogenetic origins; the historiographical level similarly was unique in Israel, focusing on the covenant not the king; the sociological level contained both similarity and distinction within Israel when compared to the surrounding Ancient Near East; and the theological level in which Israel expressed numerous unique beliefs. With a proper understanding of these levels, proper interpretation and application of the Old Testament guard against an eisegetical understanding and application.  
Walton’s appendix includes a list of individual gods listed by geography: Mesopotamia (Anu, Enlil, Ea, Shemash, Ishtar, Nergal, Ninurta, and Marduk), Canaanite (El, Baal/Hadad, Dagan, Asherah, and Anat), Egyptian (Amun-Re, Osiris, Isis, Horus, Seth, Thoth, Aten, and Ptah), Moab (Kemosh), and Israel (Yahweh).  A total of twenty-three gods are listed in this appendix. This list is not exhaustive, and one who reads the Old Testament will notice some that are not present, such as Moloch for example. 


[1]John H. Walton, Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2006), 29.
[2] Ibid.,32. 
[3] Ibid., 138.
[4] Ibid., 219.
[5] Ibid., 265.
[6] Ibid., 302.

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